The historical legacy of French Colonialism in Cameroon and its impact on participative approaches t
Alexandre Chausson
Introduction
The latter part of the 20th century saw a paradigm shift in the conservation and development narrative, whereby conservation and development, originally seen as at odds with one another, were increasingly being viewed as not only compatible, but essential to the long-term success of both (Roe, 2008). Notably, the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, advocated a participatory approach to sustainable development involving communities directly impacted by development and conservation initiatives to address issues of poverty and ecosystem degradation. In Cameroon, this was echoed by a concomitant in government policies and forestry laws during the 1990s towards a participative approach to development in rural areas (Ballet, Kouamékan & Komena, 2010). The intent was to engage rural communities as partners in development, recognizing the need to reconcile conservation goals with local community welfare (Ballet, Kouamékan & Komena, 2010; Kenmogne, 2003; Nguinguiri, 1999).
Despite the increasing focus towards engaging rural communities in an attempt to improve rural livelihoods, efforts by the government have largely been unsuccessful – a long-term sustainable engagement has not materialized (Ballet, Kouamékan & Komena, 2010; Ndobe, 2007; de Chatelperron, 2005; Kenmogne, 2003). Poverty throughout the country is high overall, but impacts rural communities the hardest (INS and ICF International, 2012) and antagonism towards the government, and development and conservation interventions in general, is a recurring reality hampering conservation actions (Lewis, 2012; Ndobe, 2007; Konings & Nyamnjoh, 2004; Weladji & Tchamba, 2003). Forested areas are threatened by large scale extractive activities (e.g. timber logging), expanding agriculture, demand for fuelwood, and faunal depletion due to rising bushmeat consumption, with strong impacts on both ecosystems and local livelihoods (Megevand, 2013; Lewis, 2012; Nasi, Taber & Vliet, 2011). This is particularly worrying in light of the fact that the Congo Basin in West-Central Africa, which covers a significant portion of Cameroon, represents the second largest extent of tropical rainforest after the Amazon, and its integrity is essential from both a biodiversity conservation perspective, as well as for the livelihood and well-being of the populations inhabiting the area (Megevand, 2013; Somorin et al., 2012).
Because successful cooperation amongst stakeholders is a critical component to the success of conservation programs and livelihood interventions, it is critical to analyze the factors which have negatively impacted relationships between stakeholders, in particular rural and forest dependent communities, the government, as well as NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations). More specifically, we need to investigate the historical context which is a strong factor in shaping the perspectives and understandings of impacted indigenous groups and communities, and their relationships with intervening institutions, an issue which has largely been ignored in the environment and development discourse (Sharpe & Homewood, 2005). For Cameroon, a critical issue is the French colonial legacy of direct rule and the subsequent emergence of a highly centralized state post-independence. How has the colonial legacy shaped modern-day Cameroon and contributed to the government’s inability to successfully engage rural and forest-dependent communities?
From direct-rule under French colonialism to a highly centralized autocratic independent State
The centralization of power and establishment of a uniform and authoritarian administration which characterized direct rule, is strongly rooted in the history of France itself, serving as a way to strengthen the state by maintaining social and economic unity amongst regions differing in culture and language (see: La France, un état “jacobin” et “centralisé” ?, 2012). France remains a highly centralized state to this day. French colonialism promulgated the centralization style of governance through direct rule in its colonies, including Cameroon, effectively undermining the power of traditional authorities and replacing them with French authorities (Gonidec, 1957). Full centralization and power hegemony meant the destruction of community forest management traditions, and the removal of traditional forest use rights (Ballet, Kouamékan & Komena, 2010). This was tightly coupled with an outright disregard and disdain for traditional indigenous forest use practices. The direct-rule of French colonialism heavily influenced the nascent republic of Cameroon which obtained its independence from France in 1960. As the Anglophone regions of Cameroon (North-West and South-West) became integrated into the newly formed republic of Cameroon in 1961, the gradual shift in power to the central government undermined regional authority (Fombad, 2015; Konings & Nyamnjoh, 2004). The new state directly reflected the centralized power structure of the French 5th republic. Common law for example, which was in place in the Anglophone regions was drowned by the dominant civil law imposed by French colonial authorities (Fombad, 2015).
From a top-down development approach towards a participative approach
From independence through the mid-80s, Cameroon adopted a set of 5 year development programs characterized by strongly autocratic and centralized economic policies, in the style of France (Kenmogne, 2003). As in France, the centralized approach was used to maintain national cohesion by suppressing regional identity and separatist tendencies, for example in Anglophone Cameroon (Konings & Nyamnjoh, 2004). This had far reaching impacts, with heavy repression by the government on social organization at the local level (Kenmogne, 2003; Geschiere & Van der Klei, 1987). The apprehension of the central government to any form of social organization is made evident by the fact that it was not until 1999 that NGOs benefited from a legal framework to operate under, following pressure from international funding organizations (Kenmogne, 2003). The central government adopted a top-down approach to instill the development of rural areas through state sponsored interventions such as agro-industrial production centers (e.g. see SODECOTON) to address poverty and ‘modernize’ farming in the rural areas (Kenmogne, 2003). The approach embodied the patronizing colonial legacy that people in rural areas did not have the capacity to innovate and take care for themselves, which legitimized direct intervention. Approaches furthermore lacked an appreciation for the local social context, with the sole focus being economic gains while largely ignoring the well-being of targeted groups and their livelihoods, in particular within the context of agroforestry systems (Chi, 1999).
Faced with the reality that direct government intervention had largely failed at reducing poverty, and under pressure by international funding organizations (e.g. The United Nations Development Programme, The World Bank, and The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations) adhering to the recommendations of the 1992 Rio Earth Summit for a participative approach in sustainable development and conservation, the government attempted a shift away from top-down state interventions towards decentralization and a cooperative involvement of rural and forest communities (Ekoko, 2000; Nguinguiri, 1999). The economic crisis of the 80s and the drying up of state finances further supported the move towards decentralization (Kenmogne, 2003). Cameroon enacted a set of reforms, in particular a new forestry law, to promote the participatory agenda in a revived attempt to uplift rural areas out of poverty after the failures of the top-down interventions. The new forestry law attempted to lay the groundwork for a more participative approach to forest management, allowing for portions of state controlled forests under community based management and the co-management of concession forests (forest land granted to logging companies) with rural and forest communities (Lescuyer et al., 2012; Ekoko, 2000).
A participative approach only in name
The participative approach however was a failure given the lack of engagement by targeted communities, largely because of a continuing power imbalance, with the government remaining highly centralized, combined with a continued disregard for traditional governance and customary forest use (Lescuyer et al., 2012; Ballet, Kouamékan & Komena, 2010; Kenmogne, 2003; Nguinguiri, 1999). In the context of community forests, the very task of consulting local populations was in the hands of the hands of the community development department, nested within the department of agriculture (Kenmogne, 2003) and was often done in a very imposing manner (de Chatelperron, 2005). The involvement of forest communities was superficial, with very little time (or none) devoted for consultation and involvement in actually drawing up a management plan; in fact was no clear definition of how this should be brought about (de Chatelperron, 2005).
The sheer complexity of forestry codes and the requirement of a complex management plan largely alienated illiterate populations (Lewis, 2012; de Chatelperron, 2005). The codes, which had previously largely been formulated on the basis of colonial forestry codes, continued to ignore customary forest use and management with the state retaining authority over forested land (Ballet, Kouamékan & Komena, 2010; Chi, 1999). The 1994 forestry law itself was primarily designed to serve private interests in an attempt to achieve development objectives (Ekoko, 2000). The zoning, which used base maps from the colonial era, continued to favor the interests of international timber companies at the expense of traditional forest use, in particular by the hunter-gatherer Baka pygmies, who found the majority of their forest use areas encompassed by concessions (Lewis, 2012; Chi, 1999). As agreements between the government and the logging operator, forest concession management plans largely ignored customary land use rights and the engagement with impacted communities was superficial (Lescuyer et al., 2012).
The resulting power imbalance created conflicts within the context of participatory approaches, such as around the Dja Faunal Reserve (Chi, 1999). Antagonism was further amplified when state interventions, for example the introduction of modern agricultural techniques in So’o Lala Forest Reserve, clashed with traditional agroforestry methods leading to the failure the intervention (Chi, 1999). Further illustrating the disregard of traditional forest use is the fact that community forests were largely insufficient in surface area to be compatible with the wide-ranging forest use practices of the hunter-gatherer Bakas, threatening unsustainable use (Lewis, 2012). Some progress in community forest management did emerge in projects supported by the SNV (Netherlands Development Organization) in Cameroon. In the Lomié district, the SNV supported the Baka communities in obtaining rights to a community forest, and established livelihood intervention projects involving low-impact timber harvesting techniques (Mentens, 2001). However without the assistance of the SNV it seems unlikely the Baka would have successfully navigated through the complex bureaucratic loops required to obtain a community forest.
The participative approach as such did not radically improve the situation for forest communities who continued to be disenfranchised and effectively excluded from management decisions impacting their well-being and livelihoods.
Conclusion: the path towards a truly cooperative framework for community engagement
Despite more than 5 decades of independence from colonial rule, rural communities, in particular forest dependent-communities in central Africa, have remained marginalized as the government retained a very autocratic approach to governance. The intent to implement participative approach largely failed because of the continuing power imbalance favoring government and private interests at the expense of the well-being of targeted communities which were only superficially implicated at best. The forestry laws and the government’s approach overall have reflected a strong disregard for customary land use rights, and the needs of rural and forest communities, particularly with respect to their livelihoods, demonstrating a continuing legacy of colonialism. Interventions which do not fully appreciate people’s needs, including the factors shaping livelihood choices, are unlikely to be successful (Wright et al., 2015). In this context, an atmosphere of antagonism between impacted communities, the government, and international conservation organizations has developed and stifled the engagement of targeted communities in conservation and development initiatives (Ballet, Kouamékan & Komena, 2010; Ndobe, 2007; Chi, 1999).
The expansion of agriculture and the demand for fuel wood, coupled with population growth, is placing significant pressures on forested landscapes presently (Megevand, 2013; Ernst et al., 2013). As such, it is essential that the full engagement of all stakeholders be achieved to implement lasting, sustainable solutions, harmonizing conservation and development goals. To do so requires first and foremost a shift away from the centralization of power towards the just recognition and empowerment of rural and forest communities combined with the appreciation of social and cultural variation to implement solutions meeting their needs.
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